Not Just a Day Off: The Untold Stories Behind Filipina Sunday Picnics in Hong Kong

Sunday in Hong Kong's bustling central business district, a striking scene unfolds: thousands of Filipina migrant domestic workers gather to share homemade Filipino dishes, play music, and share news from their homeland. Known as the "maids' day off," this tradition started in the early 1980s. On Sundays, migrant domestic workers gather in Hong Kong to have picnics by assembling cardboard walls and laying down plastic mats amongst the towering structures of luxury hotels, prominent bank buildings, and upscale boutiques in the Central district of Hong Kong. This phenomenon has been well-documented and recognized as a significant part of Hong Kong's cultural scene (Chan, 2023; Moss, 2017).

This article begins by asserting the diasporic identity of Filipina migrant domestic workers in Hong Kong, followed by an examination of the significance of the 'Sunday picnics' as a unique diasporic activity that serves multiple psychological, political, and sociological purposes. It is contended that Sunday picnics are integral to the diasporic experience of these workers: Not only do they facilitate the preservation of cultural identity and connections to their homeland amidst the tribulations of migration, but they also serve as a latent political tool that helps them reclaim some of the power they have lost on their diasporic journey.

Keller, P. (2006). sitting in a box . Creative Common 2.2. Retrieved February 18, 2024, from https://www.flickr.com/photos/18259771@N00/323806329.

What Defines a Diaspora

In recent years, scholars have repeatedly reexamined and revised the definitions of diaspora (Clifford, 1997; Cohen, 1997; Constable, 1999; Dufoix, 2024; Safran, 1991). Amidst ongoing debates, prominent themes such as displacement, adversity, adaptation, and ties to the homeland are consistently found across diverse academic interpretations (Agnew, 2005; Aguila, 2015; Anthias, 1998).

Some scholars contest the idea of diaspora as a static entity (Dufoix, 2024). Instead, they advocate for a more fluid and flexible conception of diaspora, one utilised for asserting claims, articulating initiatives, and invoking loyalties (Brubaker, 2005). Proponents of this viewpoint have broadened the scope of the concept to encompass a range of communities, including the queer diaspora, soccer diaspora, education diaspora, and e-diaspora.

More recently, however, there has been a backlash against an excessively flexible and abstract understanding of diaspora. Critics warn against the indiscriminate use of the term, fearing that it could diminish its analytical and practical relevance (Ang, 2003; Cohen, 1997; Dufoix, 2008). As scholar Brubaker (2005) aptly states, "If everyone is diasporic, then no one is distinctively so (p.3).”

This essay explores the Sunday gatherings of Filipina domestic workers in Hong Kong as a distinctive diasporic activity. To proceed effectively, one must first establish whether the experience of Filipina domestic workers in Hong Kong aligns with the characteristics typically associated with a diaspora. To accomplish this task, the analytical insights of scholar Brubaker (2005) are drawn upon, who, after a comprehensive analysis of various definitions within the field, has identified three key elements—Dispersion, Homeland Orientation, and Boundary Maintenance—that he suggests using to define diaspora.

Credits: Xiaoming Wang, Satue Square: https://www.flickr.com/photos/satanyork/2183073477/in/photostream/

Filipina Migrant Workers in Hong Kong

Brief History

The rise in demand for foreign domestic helpers in Hong Kong began in the 1970s. Driven by the city's economic growth, more women joined the workforce, resulting in a growing need for assistance with household tasks, childcare, and elderly care (Cortes and Pan, 2013; Constable, 2015).

By the end of 2017, Hong Kong had approximately 369,651 foreign domestic workers, with projections estimating this figure to reach 600,000 by 2047 (Creery, 2019). The majority of these workers are from the Philippines and Indonesia, with Filipinas constituting more than half of this demographic (Chandra, 2021; Cheng, 1996; Creery, 2019).

Despite their significant contributions to the local economy, however, they often face various forms of abuse, including verbal, physical, and sexual violence. Additionally, many endure substandard working conditions that violate their fundamental human rights (Cheung et al., 2019; Choy et al., 2022; Mission for Migrant Workers, 2021).

Being a Diaspora

Brubaker's examination of various definitions of diaspora reveals Dispersion as a universally acknowledged criterion (Brubaker, 2005). Dispersion involves the scattering or spreading of a group, whether by coercion or choice, across different locations (Braziel, 2017). For Filipina migrant domestic workers in Hong Kong, Dispersion begins with their departure from the Philippines and extends to their settlement and employment in various households across the urban landscape of Hong Kong.

Homeland Orientation, as the second criterion, emphasises the strong connection to a real or imagined homeland, serving as a primary source of value, identity, and loyalty (Safran, 1991). For the Filipina migrants in Hong Kong, Homeland Orientation is saliently demonstrated by their unwavering commitment to the development and welfare of the Philippines. Most Filipina domestic workers in Hong Kong work with the sole purpose of supporting their families back home by regularly sending remittances, contributing to what is known as the ‘remittance economy’ (Briones, 2009). These financial remittances not only help their immediate kin but also bolster the overall progress of the homeland and play a substantial role in the Philippines' economy, with over $30 billion received in 2020 alone (Lindio-McGovern, 2024).

Moreover, Filipina domestic workers in Hong Kong actively engage in transnational activism, which includes participating in protests, signing petitions, and joining advocacy groups that promote social and political causes in the Philippines. Recent research further emphasises their proficient use of social media and digital platforms to maintain connections with the Philippines and garner support for various causes (Lim, 2016). These endeavours highlight the profound commitment of the Filipina migrant community to the progress and well-being of their homeland.

Thirdly, boundary maintenance (Cohen, 1997; Ladegaard, 2023; Safran, 1991; Tölölyan, 1996) is integral to defining diaspora as a cohesive community marked by strong solidarity. This maintenance can manifest actively, through deliberate resistance to assimilation and efforts to enhance group cohesion, or passively, through experiences of social exclusion by the host nation (Laitin, 1995). For the diaspora of Filipina domestic workers in Hong Kong, boundary maintenance occurs both actively and passively.

Faced with discrimination both legally and socially (Pascoe and Tomassetti, 2024), Filipina domestic workers are passively segregated off by the wider Hong Kong society. However, they do not simply passively endure the mistreatment. Instead, they actively support each other, reinforcing diaspora boundaries and fostering unity through cultural practices and organisational initiatives. For instance, they establish community centres and associations that offer language courses, legal aid, and social gatherings, which cultivate solidarity and resilience within their community (Tungohan, 2023). The Sunday picnics, highlighted in this essay, are a salient example of such an endeavour.

File:Foreign domestic helper in Central Hong Kong 20-11-2022(1).jpg - Wikimedia Commons. (2022, November 20). https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Foreign_domestic_helper_in_Central_Hong_Kong_20-11-2022(1).jpg

Sunday Picnics as a Diasporic Activity

Understanding the significance of the Sunday picnic as a central diasporic activity for this community requires considering the broader context of the abuse and discrimination they face. Doing so would elucidate the fact that this iconic tradition originates from the struggles they had with claiming time, space, and political visibility in Hong Kong.

Deprivation of Time, Space, and Power

The marginalisation of migrant labourers in Hong Kong can be traced back to the Philippine government’s strategic push to bolster the competitiveness of their workforce overseas. In the last few decades, specific stereotypes about Filipino female workers, highlighting traits like submissiveness, compliance, and hospitality have been propagated (Suarez, 2017). Although these traits may appeal to employers abroad, they are steeped in Orientalist and colonialist representations. These stereotypes devalue domestic work as a valid profession impede the socioeconomic progress of domestic workers, and ultimately lead to the exploitation of Filipina women in the global labor market (Tolentino, 2009).

Filipina domestic workers’ disempowered position is further reflected in the policies of the Hong Kong government towards them: By law, domestic workers are not offered a clear route to citizenship regardless of how long they stay. Their status is intentionally set apart from other “foreign talent" and deprives them of benefits and privileges given to other expatriate professionals (Cheng, 1996). Additionally, the visa system binds domestic workers to specific employers, which creates a dependency that worsens the power disparity in the employer-employee dynamic, making them more susceptible to exploitation and abuse.

The historical portrayal of Filipina women as sexually subservient has deep roots in colonialism, sexism, and poverty within the Philippines (Chang and Grove, 2000). These negative perceptions are magnified in Chinese society, where newspaper editorials frequently depict Filipina domestic workers as contract violators, thieves, negligent in their childcare duties, and linked to prostitution (Yu, 2024). These stereotypes form the backdrop for discrimination, abuse, and unjust treatment by employers in Hong Kong, who exploit them to maintain control and justify their unfair treatment.

Furthermore, the 'live-in' rule governing foreign domestic workers in Hong Kong is a highly contentious policy due to its impact on basic human rights (Masuda, 2019). Mandating that domestic workers reside in their employers' homes, this regulation exposes workers to increased exploitation due to the lack of privacy and separation from work duties.  Furthermore, the high cost of living in Hong Kong confines many workers to cramped quarters or forces them to sleep in communal areas like the living room or kitchen, even the toilet (Boersma, 2019; Mission for Migrant Worker, 2021). This live-in arrangement restricts domestic workers' freedom concerning their schedules, behaviours, and choice of dining locations. Some are further limited in their selection of clothing and hairstyles, thereby curtailing their ability to express their cultural identity (Choy et al., 2022).

The practice of "toilet texting" among domestic workers is a striking illustration of the significant time and space constraints they face daily. As many employers restrict their cellphone usage, many resort to discreetly using their phones in the bathroom to connect with family and friends, all while feeling anxious about being caught. Many face predicaments such as not being able to contact their families at night even after finishing their domestic tasks due to the fact that they share a room with young children (Boersma, 2019; Chib et al., 2014). The phenomena highlight a larger problem of time and space scarcity, where domestic workers lack the necessary space for personal connections and self-care.

In summary, Filipina migrant workers in Hong Kong face numerous challenges, including discrimination and deprivation of time and space. It is within this context that the Sunday picnics emerge as a multi-purpose diaspora activity.

File: HK Central Sunday holiday morning April 2021 SS2 16.jpg - Wikimedia Commons. (2021, April 18). https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:HK_Central_Sunday_holiday_morning_April_2021_SS2_16.jpg

The Sunday Picnics as Respite

On Sundays, domestic workers gather in the streets of the Central district not only to socialise but also to engage in much-needed self-care activities, such as pedicures and hair styling, as well as connecting with family and friends (Boersma, 2019; Chan, 2023). Central to this rejuvenating practice is communal food sharing.

Across literature, scholars have emphasised the ritualistic aspect of dining, recognising its capacity to satisfy not only physical hunger but also emotional and spiritual needs (Cochrane, 2015; Garcia, 2021). Furthermore, researchers have extensively explored the pivotal role of food and eating in nurturing kinship and friendship networks across diverse societies, thereby bolstering community cohesion (Lupton, 1996). Within migrant and diasporic communities, dietary practices often serve as enduring symbols of ethnic identity, transcending other cultural markers such as language, attire, or religion (Mintz and Du Bois, 2002). Scholars in sociology and anthropology commonly acknowledge that food holds significance beyond mere sustenance; as described by Bearsworth and Keil (2002): “the act of eating lies at the point of intersection of a whole series of intricate physiological, psychological, ecological, economic, political, social and cultural processes (p.6).”

The Sunday Picnics as a Form of ‘Boundary-Maintenance’

As reviewed, the notion of 'boundary-maintenance' is a fundamental criterion that defines diaspora. Analysing Sunday picnics from this perspective reveals a fascinating 'dual-purpose' concerning boundary dynamics: these gatherings work to break down internal boundaries within the diaspora community while simultaneously creating a barrier against the power intrusion from the host culture.

Firstly, the act of eating food can symbolically represent a breakdown of boundaries between 'self' and 'others'. In this context, consuming food allows members of a diaspora to transcend physical barriers and form connections with each other. Mary Douglas (2002), in her influential work "Purity and Danger," discusses food as a liminal object. She suggests that our bodily openings act as conduits between social constructs, and food serves as an external agent that, once ingested, shapes our sense of self and identity. Therefore, it can be interpreted that Filipina domestic workers, by ingesting cuisine from their homeland prepared by each other, metaphorically assimilate elements of the Philippine identity into their bodies.

In other words, when diaspora members gather and share meals prepared by their fellow community members, they diminish the distinctions between individual identities within the diaspora group and strengthen a sense of 'in-group' unity. Filipino cuisine, in this context, acts as a channel for preserving collective cultural memories of the shared homeland. This communal dining symbolises the breaking down of personal boundaries within the diaspora and creates a collective identity as a diaspora.

On another note, the picnic serves as a boundary for these women against the cultural landscape of Hong Kong society. Unlike the breakdown of boundaries within the group, this boundary serves a different purpose—it defines what is to be excluded from the diaspora. By publicly indulging in Filipino cuisine in prominent locations like Hong Kong's Central District, they make a statement that defines the diaspora's boundaries against the local culture. Filipina workers assert these boundaries not just physically, as seen in the use of cardboard boxes to mark picnic spots, but also symbolically by sharing non-Chinese food they rarely have access to during the week. The act of eating with hands, not typically accepted in Chinese culture, further emphasises their cultural distinctiveness. Purnima Mankekar (2002), in her research, describes food practices as arenas for negotiation, where culinary traditions not only maintain ties with the homeland but also distinguish diasporic individuals from the dominant culture of their host country. For the Filipina community, openly sharing their cuisine—food meant for themselves rather than their employers—and in unconventional places like the ground of skyscrapers and shopping malls, serves as a testament to their distinctiveness from the local culture.

From a sociological and anthropological perspective, the significance of Sunday picnics goes beyond simply satisfying hunger; it serves as a cultural cornerstone. Each dish shared carries stories of family gatherings, celebrations, and the comforting feeling of home. Against the backdrop of Hong Kong, these culinary gatherings also serve as a means of resisting cultural assimilation, reaffirming the Filipina identity, and fostering a sense of solidarity within the diaspora.

File: Foreign domestic helpers (Hong Kong).jpg - Wikimedia Commons. (2010, August 1). https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Foreign_domestic_helpers_(Hong_Kong).jpg

The Sunday Picnics and Their Political Functions

So far, in line with existing scholarly literature on the topic, it has been established that Sunday picnics offer Filipina domestic workers a break from their time-space-constrained workweeks, potential oppression from employers, and provide them with essential physical and psycho-spiritual nourishment.

In this concluding section of the essay, a more ambitious goal is pursued to interpret the political dimensions of these gatherings. It will be argued that these picnics serve an additional, though perhaps implicit purpose beyond offering respite. The contention put forth here suggests that they serve not only as a means to fulfill a fundamental need for connection but also as a deliberate—albeit unconscious—expression of transgression, rebellion, and deviance.

It could be argued that the choice of Central as a gathering spot carries political significance. Unlike other cities with large populations of Filipina migrant workers, where gatherings occur in less illustrious places, in Hong Kong, they gather most prominently in the Central district. Historically associated with colonial administration and later transformed into a global financial hub, Central holds significant economic, political, and cultural importance for the city of Hong Kong. The juxtaposition between the district's prestigious image and the presence of migrant picnics highlights the marginalised status of these workers and challenges conventional perceptions of Central as a space reserved for the elite and affluent. The occupation of Central by migrant picnics is said to represent a subversion of the district's dominant narrative (Chan, 2023; Ortuzar, 2020). The symbolic significance of their public picnic is aptly described by BBC journalist Chris Dwyer (2016): "Their plastic tubs and foil trays full of food reveal much about their background, stories, and struggles living in one of the world's richest and most expensive cities."

Unsurprisingly, the Sunday picnics have historically sparked tensions among locals. In 1992, there was a petition to reopen some roads for traffic to discourage their presence (Ortuzar, 2020). Authorities responded by taping walkways and suggesting relocation to underground car parks to deter the gatherings. More recently, discriminatory proposals from legislative council members, such as labeling workers as an inconvenience and health hazard during the COVID-19 pandemic, further highlight the attempts from local authorities to suppress their visibility (Ho and Ho, 2020;  Ortuzar, 2020; Un, 2018;).

Nevertheless, almost as if it were a form of silent protest, Filipina migrant workers have persevered in upholding their tradition of Sunday picnics in Central. Through these gatherings, the Filipina workers momentarily disrupt the hierarchical employer-employee social dynamic. By openly engaging in acts of self-nourishment, sensory pleasure, and communal enjoyment, they assert their freedom from oppression. Their shift from invisibility to heightened visibility symbolizes a refusal to be controlled and a demand for autonomy. In many respects, their unwavering presence and actions affirm their contribution to the city and challenge efforts to render them disempowered invisibility (Constable, 2007; Law, 2001; Ortuzar, 2020).

One could argue that the migrant workers’ ongoing assertion of their presence in Hong Kong—both physically and symbolically—has yielded tangible results. This is evidenced by the fact that scholars in urban studies now regard the presence of Filipinas in Central as a beneficial contribution, infusing vitality into a waning public sphere (Cuthbert and McKinnell, 1997). This perspective was echoed at the Megacities 2000 Conference in Hong Kong, where participants suggested that the phenomenon created by the Filipino community constitutes an integral part of the city's cultural heritage (Henderson, 2000). Such an outcome aligns with Cresswell's (1999) observations that public space often becomes a battleground where power and ideology are asserted by the nation-state, corporations, and local governments, but countered by various ideological practices.

By firmly asserting their presence and claiming space despite local protests and scrutiny, the Filipina domestic workers as a diaspora have effectively established a political foothold in Hong Kong. By defiantly occupying otherwise empty spaces and openly expressing their identities, they have emerged as a visible and influential public presence in Hong Kong's socio-cultural landscape.

Concluding words

The Sunday picnics organised by Filipina domestic workers in Hong Kong stand as a powerful embodiment of their diasporic journey. These gatherings not only serve as a way of respite and communal bonding but also assert the workers' visibility and autonomy in a society that often overlooks their contributions.

Recent developments indicate that their persistent efforts may have effectively reshaped prevailing narratives.  By valuing and embracing their picnics as a meaningful aspect of Hong Kong's cultural landscape, there is an implicit acknowledgment of the contributions made by domestic workers to the city.

In summary, the Sunday picnics are powerful symbols of the Filipina diaspora’s cultural richness, empowerment, and above all, resilience amidst the challenges of migration and marginalisation.

References

Agnew, V. (Ed.). (2005). Diaspora, memory and identity: A search for home. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

Aguila, A. N. (2015). The Filipino Diaspora and a Continuing Quest for Identity. Social Science Diliman, 11(2), 56-89.

Ang, I. (2003). Together‐in‐difference: beyond diaspora, into hybridity. Asian studies review, 27(2), 141-154.

Anthias, F. (1998). Evaluating ‘diaspora’: beyond ethnicity? Sociology, 32(3), 557-580.

Beardsworth, A., & Keil, T. (2002). Sociology on the menu: An invitation to the study of food and society. Routledge.

Beine, M., Docquier, F., & Rapoport, H. (2011). The effect of diaspora on migration: Evidence from the Middle East and North Africa. Journal of Development Economics, 95(2), 247-257.

Boersma, M. (2019). Filipina domestic workers in Hong Kong: Between permanence and temporariness in everyday life. Current Sociology, 67(2), 273-293.

Braziel, J. (2017). Dispersion, identity, and the African diaspora. Journal of Black Studies, 48(4), 387-407.

Briones, L. (2009). Empowering migrant women: Why agency and rights are not enough. Farnham, Routledge.

Brubaker, R. (2005). The ‘diaspora’diaspora. Ethnic and racial studies, 28(1), 1-19.

Chan, H. H. Y. (2023). Reworking of care during workday outings: On migrant domestic workers' everyday negotiation of migration infrastructure in the global city of Hong Kong. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers.

Chandra, A. (2021). Subdividing the vulnerable and disadvantaged: labor stratification and hierarchies between Philippine and Indonesian migrant domestic workers in Hong Kong (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from http://hdl.handle.net/1828/13587

Chang, K. A., & Groves, J. M. (2000, January). Neither “saints” nor “prostitutes”: Sexual discourse in the Filipina domestic worker community in Hong Kong. Women's Studies International Forum, 23(1), 73-87.

Cheah, Pheng (2007). Biopower and the new international division of reproductive labor. boundary 2, 34(1), 79–113.

Cheng, S. J. A. (1996). Migrant women domestic workers in Hong Kong, Singapore and Taiwan: A comparative analysis. Asian and Pacific migration journal, 5(1), 139-152.

Cheung, J. T. K., et al. (2019). Abuse and depression among Filipino foreign domestic helpers: A cross-sectional survey in Hong Kong. Public Health, 166, 121–7.

Chib, A., Malik, S., Aricat, R. G., & Kadir, S. Z. (2014). Migrant mothering and mobile phones: Negotiations of transnational identity. Mobile Media & Communication, 2(1), 73-93.

Choy, C. Y., Chang, L., & Man, P. Y. (2022). Social support and coping among female foreign domestic helpers experiencing abuse and exploitation in Hong Kong. Frontiers in Communication, 7, 1015193.

Clifford, J. (1997). Routes: Travel and Translation in the Late Twentieth Century. London: Harvard University Press.

Cochrane, F. (2015). Migration and security in the global age: Diaspora communities and conflict. Oxford: Routledge.

Cohen, R. (1997). Global diasporas: an introduction. Seattle: University of Washington Press.

Constable, N. (1997). Maid to order in Hong Kong: stories of Filipina workers. New York: Cornell University Press.

Constable, N. (1999). At home but not at home: Filipina narratives of ambivalent returns. Cultural Anthropology, 14(2), 203–228.

Constable, N. (2015). The demand for domestic workers in Hong Kong: A review of the literature. Journal of Contemporary Asia, 45(4), 509-524.

Constable, Nicole (2007). Maid to Order in Hong Kong: Stories of migrant workers. Ithaca, NewYork: Cornell University Press.

Cortes, P., & Pan, J. (2013). Outsourcing household production: Foreign domestic workers and native labor supply in Hong Kong. Journal of Labor Economics, 31(2), 327-371.

Creery, J., & Creery, J. (2019, March 6). Domestic workers contribute HK$98.9 billion to Hong Kong’s economy, 3.6% of GDP - study. Hong Kong Free Press HKFP. https://hongkongfp.com/2019/03/06/domestic-workers-contribute-hk98-9-billion-hong-kongs-economy-3-6-gdp-study/

Cresswell, T. (1999). “Place”, in Cloke, P., Crang, P. & Goodwin, M. (eds), Introducing Human Geographies. Arnold, London.

Cuthbert, A. R., & McKinnell, K. G. (1997). Ambiguous space, ambiguous rights—corporate power and social control in Hong Kong. Cities, 14(5), 295-311.

Douglas, M. (2003). Purity and danger: An analysis of concepts of pollution and taboo. London: Routledge.

Dufoix, S. (2008). Diasporas. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Dwyer, C. (2022, February 25). A Sunday ritual for 300,000 women. BBC Travel. https://www.bbc.com/travel/article/20161109-a-sunday-ritual-for-300000-women

García, M. E. (2021). Gastropolitics and the specter of race: stories of capital, culture and coloniality in Peru. Oakland: University of California Press.

Henderson, Tony (2000). ‘The human touch – factors underpinning overall design for a human future’, in Conference Proceedings Vol. 1, Megacities 2000 International Conference, 8–10 February 2000, Department of Architecture, University of Hong Kong.

Ho, K., & Ho, K. (2020, December 29). Covid-19: Lock down domestic workers on their day off, says pro-Beijing Hong Kong lawmaker. Hong Kong Free Press HKFP. https://hongkongfp.com/2020/12/29/covid-19-lock-down-domestic-workers-on-their-day-off-says-pro-beijing-hong-kong-lawmaker/

Ladegaard, H. J. (2023). Migrant workers’ narratives of return: Alienation and identity transformations. New York: Taylor & Francis.

Laitin, D. D. (1995). Identity in Formation: The Russian-Speaking Populations of the Near Abroad. New York: Cornell University Press.

Law, Lisa (2002). Defying disappearance: Cosmopolitan public spaces in Hong Kong. Urban Studies, 39(9), 1625–45.

Lim, J. (2018). Transnational activism and the digital divide: The case of Filipino domestic workers in Hong Kong. Sociology of Development, 4(1), 1-20.

Lindio-McGovern, L. (2004). Alienation and labor export in the context of globalization: Filipino migrant domestic workers in Taiwan and Hong Kong. Critical Asian Studies, 36(2), 217-238.

Lupton, D. (1996). Food, the Body and the Self. London: Sage Publications.

Mankekar, P. (2002). India Shopping: Indian Grocery Stores and Transnational Configurations of Belonging. Ethnos: Journal of Anthropology, 67(1), 75-97.

Masuda, K. (2019). Forced to Live in the Employer’s House: A Comparative Study of Migrant Domestic Workers in Hong Kong and Singapore (Doctoral dissertation, UCLA).

McKay, D. (2007). Sending dollars shows feeling: emotions and economies in Filipino migration. Mobilities, 2, 175–194.

Mintz, S. W., & Du Bois, C. M. (2002). The Anthropology of Food and Eating. Annual Reviews, 31, 99-119.

Mission for Migrant Workers. (2021, June). Between a toilet bowl and a wall. Retrieved February 19, 2024, from https://drive.google.com/file/d/18O7LqZ0EqPDSgVtB4acinQvmHUS6WpSG/view?pli=1

Moss, E. L. (2017). That one day is all you have’: how Hong Kong’s domestic workers seized Sunday. The Guardian, 10.

Ortuzar, J. (2020). Foreign maids and beauty queens: Filipina labour and amateur performance in Hong Kong. Performance Research, 25(1), 81-87.

Pascoe, D., & Tomassetti, J. (2024). Judicial attitudes towards foreign domestic helpers in the Hong Kong criminal courts. Asia Pacific Law Review, 32(1), 123-148.

Safran, W. (1991). Diasporas in Modern Societies: Myths of homeland and return. Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies, 1(1), 83–99.

Schiller, N. G., Basch, L., & Blanc, C. S. (1995). From immigrant to transmigrant: Theorizing transnational migration. Anthropological quarterly, 48-63.

Sheffer, G. (2003). Diaspora politics: At home abroad. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Suarez, H. J. (2017). The Work of Mothering: Globalization and the Filipino Diaspora. Urbana: University of Illinois Press.

Tolentino, R. B. (2009). Globalizing National Domesticity Female Work and Representation in Contemporary Women's Films. Philippine Studies, 419-442.

Tölölyan, K. (1996). Rethinking diaspora(s): Stateless power in the transnational moment. Diaspora: a journal of transnational studies, 5(1), 3-36.

Tölölyan, K. (1991). The Nation-State and its others: In lieu of a preface. Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies, 1(1), 3–7.

Tungohan, E. (2023). Care Activism: Migrant Domestic Workers, Movement-Building, and Communities of Care. Urbana: University of Illinois Press.

Un (2018). Helpers just can't stomach legislator Yung's remarks. Retrieved from https://www.thestandard.com.hk/sections-news_print.php?id=196141

Yu, Y. (2024). Media representations of foreign domestic helpers in Hong Kong: a corpus-assisted discourse analysis. Text & Talk, 44(1), 97-117.